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The Army is gearing up to release the second iteration of its unified network plan that will focus on multi-domain operations and moving the service to a more data-centric posture.
Version 2.0 is in front of the vice chief of staff, who is slated to sign off on it and clear the way for its public release “soon,” Lt. Gen. Jeth Rey, deputy chief of staff, G6, said at AFCEA’s Northern Virginia Chapter Army IT Day conference Jan. 17.

In the first hours of his second term, President Donald Trump vowed to send U.S. troops to the southern border; promised to reinstate service members who were separated for refusing to get vaccinated for COVID-19; and signed an executive order suspending a refugee program that allows Afghans to come to the United States.
The Pentagon issued a statement on Monday that it would comply with Trump’s directives.
“The Department of Defense is fully committed to carrying out the orders from our [commander in chief], and is doing so immediately under his leadership,” the statement reads.

Will President Donald Trump really seek to use U.S. military force to retake the Panama Canal as he has threatened? Let’s hope not.  Given the fraught nature of retaking the canal by force or even by economic pressure, it could be justified only by the strongest of national security crises or challenges, and there seem to be none implicating the canal on the horizon.  Trump, of course, has offered his reasons — that Panama is charging too much for U.S.

Where, when, and how might offensive cyber operations impact the outcomes of war? For over 40 years, this debate often spiraled to the extremes, whether offensive cyber operations are revolutionary or mostly hype, a warfighting game-changer or useful just for informational advantage.  Analysts could talk past one another because it was not always clear which aspects of cyber operations or of warfare they were discussing.